California politics still struggles with sexual harassment. San Francisco’s latest reckoning could help
When members of the San Francisco Democratic Party coalition surfaced public allegations of sexual harassment and assault in the spring, leadership had two options: ignore it like many predecessors have, or force Democrats in one of America’s most progressive cities to take a long, hard look in the mirror.
Party Chair Nancy Tung decided that the days of waiting for these scandals to fade would end with her. Tung created a special committee to examine sexual assault and harassment in the San Francisco political community, and held a meeting in May for survivors to share their experiences. The hearing was emotional, featuring testimonies about workplace harassment, physical assault and rape, and how allegations were ignored for years.
Since then, more accusations have surfaced, again calling into question just how prevalent experiences of misconduct are in political spaces. Even in the progressive bastion of California, sexism and harassment in the workplace remains rampant, and there hasn’t been much substantive change in recent years.
Nancy Tung, chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, at Sue Bierman Park in San Francisco on Aug. 7, 2024. Tung created the special committee on sexual assault and harassment in the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee, which aims to create a safer political environment, accountability and empower survivors. Photo by Juliana Yamada for CalMatters
In 2017, the Capitol was rocked with allegations of sexual assault and harassment in the workplace during the #MeToo movement, prompting an overhaul of sexual harassment policy in the Legislature and a public reckoning. Over 140 women — legislators, staffers, lobbyists and consultants — signed a letter detailing the “pervasive” and “dehumanizing behavior by men with power” in California’s political ecosystem.
But one highly publicized moment of collective outrage clearly did not solve the problem. It took months of pressure for the Legislature to release its records of sexual harassment allegations in 2018, finally naming many of the abusers it had long protected.
As a survivor of sexual assault, I know how quickly people can forget. Without sustained public pressure, superficial commitments to fighting sexual harassment culture are just lip service
Right now, California’s political sector should be paying greater attention to what’s happening in San Francisco to ensure this latest wave of action leads to meaningful reforms. Hopefully it’ll inspire other communities to take charge before more survivors lose hope and resign themselves to despair.
‘We just sort of took it on the chin’
Unfortunately, politics presents an environment ripe for abuses of power: Success is built on relationships, and those connections are often cultivated outside the workplace. Afterhours social events dominate the calendars of young legislative staffers or consultants hoping to make a good impression. Sometimes skipping a night out could mean losing out on a career opportunity or vital networking.
Pamela Lopez, a lobbyist who accused a legislator of sexual misconduct in 2017, told me that the issue is much more pronounced with political staffers early in their careers. Lopez, 42, says her seniority shields her from the harassment others experience: She feels like she has “aged-out.”
“When I was in my 20s, I remember one time this public official wouldn’t take a meeting with my clients unless I had lunch with him afterwards wearing open-toed shoes because he had a foot fetish,” Lopez recalled. “It was like, well shit, if I report this I’m the one who’s gonna be in trouble, and so we just sort of took it on the chin.”
Many political workplaces are also temporary. Campaigns and other organizing efforts are usually volunteer-based and lack anti-harassment trainings or a clear method for reporting misconduct.
While personal experiences vary depending on the workplace, these blurred lines and power imbalances create a murky environment. Public image is everything in politics, and those with the power to act often choose to sweep things under the rug.
“This is what it is to be a woman and work in an industry where there’s money and there’s power,” Lopez said, highlighting the transactional nature of politics.
It’s easier to dismiss something appalling when seeking accountability puts money, power and relationships on the line. That’s why so many survivors stay silent — it’s why I didn’t contact the police when I was assaulted in high school. We don’t expect to be supported, and are all too familiar with stories of systems failing when victims come forward.
Where past reforms fell short
Ruth Ferguson didn’t expect to sacrifice years of her life when she reported sexual harassment and retaliation from a supervisor at an Assembly district office. After informing the chief of staff in 2019, it took over a year for Ferguson’s complaint to reach the Legislature’s newly formed Workplace Conduct Unit.
Read More: What the plan to deter Capitol sexual harassment really addresses — and avoids
The investigation dragged on for another year while she continued working in the same office. The unit even revealed Ferguson’s identity to senior staffers, subjecting her to further retaliation and discrimination.
The WCU, charged with investigating cases of misconduct and harassment, was reportedly unable to substantiate whether Ferguson was harassed or retaliated against and closed the case — despite Ferguson’s claim that there was ample evidence and witnesses to corroborate her complaint.
The same month Ferguson filed a workplace discrimination suit with the Department of Fair Employment and Housing, she received a letter from the Workplace Conduct Unit notifying her that they were now investigating her conduct during many of the instances she reported as harassment.
With the power dynamic flipped, the Legislature apparently substantiated those allegations thanks to a “preponderance of evidence.”
By the end, Ferguson took medical leave to escape an unbearable work environment, suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder and a debilitating depression.
Throughout the process Ferguson was routinely ignored, gaslighted, discredited and subjected to further mistreatment for years. She wasn’t even allowed to view the case files.
She was punished for reporting, as so many of us are.
“There needs to be a way to be survivor centric, to really make survivors not just feel, but know that they are in the driver’s seat.” Ferguson told me. “Like, if you come forward with an allegation, that not only are you gonna be taken seriously … but that you will be treated fairly.”
Ultimately, the Legislature’s effort at an independent, transparent system amounted to self-policing and then went years without releasing any records. The promise to do so was informal, and the Legislature exempts itself from the Public Records Act — which applies to all other state agencies.
After a nearly four-year gap, the elected body only released records after KCRA 3 questioned the oversight this January. Even then, the Legislature released a document which only states the number of cases handled by the Workplace Conduct Unit over the last three years. And it doesn’t say which of the 391 complaints were substantiated.
“All political institutions suffer from the same root challenges when it comes to sexual misconduct and discrimination because relationships are so important in politics,” Ferguson said. “Sometimes people, unfortunately, put those relationships over taking accountability or doing the right thing.”
In 2021, tenant rights advocate Sasha Perigo wasn’t taken seriously, either, when she accused then-rising San Francisco political star Jon Jacobo of rape. The San Francisco Standard reported in April that three other women filed police reports for sexual assault and domestic violence against Jacobo soon after Perigo’s accusation came to light — and they say their allegations were largely ignored in the three years since.
Last week, Jacobo was arrested for multiple counts of sexual assault and domestic violence. He pleaded not guilty and will face a preliminary hearing on Thursday to determine whether there’s enough evidence for a trial.
While Perigo did not pursue charges after completing a rape kit — she cited mistrust of law enforcement and how retraumatizing the reporting process can be — she made her claims publicly, and San Francisco’s political community mostly looked the other way.
In my experience, every day feels like a knife in the back when you come forward and are only met with platitudes and inaction.
Perigo publicly posted documents and screenshots when she first came forward, prompting three other women to share evidence of their own with police. It took three years and a news investigation for any semblance of justice to take shape. It shouldn’t be this difficult for credible claims to spur action.
SF’s reform efforts could be different
Tung, the chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party, ran on a campaign promise to better address sexual harassment in the workplace after the lack of action taken by leadership in 2021. Tung and Committee Chair Lily Ho are adamant that the committee is not only working on a new code of conduct and policies for dealing with future allegations, but are committed to a cultural change within the party.
“People who are survivors — who share their stories — deserve to be treated with dignity and respect,” Tung said. “They deserve to be believed, and they deserve to have the process center around them.”
Alondra Esquivel, president of the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee, at Sue Bierman Park in San Francisco on Aug. 7, 2024. SFWPC was one of the first organizations to partner with the San Francisco Democratic Party and call out the culture of sexual harassment and assault in local politics, as well as supporting survivors. Photo by Juliana Yamada for CalMatters
The committee Tung created has had its share of problems. Former San Francisco Supervisor Michela Alioto-Pier stepped down from the committee after advocates took issue with her past support of a Newsom aide convicted of domestic violence and child abuse. Some party members have also complained about the lack of Black and Latino representation. And a few survivors opted out of the May hearing due to committee members’ close ties to a nonprofit director once accused of sexual assault.
Still, compared with past efforts to address sexual misconduct in the political realm, the party chapter is making strides. Ho attributes this to Tung’s political will. “I think we’re finally here with females in charge,” she told me.
That includes Alondra Esquivel, president of the nonpartisan San Francisco Women’s Political Committee, who has been hearing about sexual misconduct in San Francisco politics for years. Right now, committee members are working with Esquivel’s organization, other chartered Democratic clubs and survivor representatives to come up with a new code of conduct for the party and other stakeholder organizations.
Despite its faults, she sees the creation of this special committee as a major step forward.
“This hearing should have happened years ago, but it didn’t — but we’re still progressing,” Esquivel said.
The San Francisco Democratic Party’s efforts are by no means perfect, but no effort will be when it comes to to addressing sexual misconduct in the workplace. There is no roadmap to success, but pretending it doesn’t happen or placating victims with temporary promises is much worse.
In San Francisco, women are finally leading the charge and survivors are helping create new policies. That alone is progress.
More importantly, they are beginning the cultural change that every institution struggles to create and that every survivor deserves.
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